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REVEALED:Why Uhuru did not sent Christmas greetings jointly with DP Ruto as in the past


President Uhuru Kenyatta, Deputy President William Ruto and ODM leader Raila Odinga are usually among prominent politicians who sent Christmas messages to Kenyans.

This year however, the President did not sent season’s greetings jointly with the Deputy President as has been the case in the past years.

President Kenyatta and the First Family on Tuesday evening attended Christmas eve mass at St Francis of Assisi Catholic Church in Nyali, Mombasa County where he wished Kenyans a Merry Christmas and a prosperous New Year.

However,The Christmas card did not feature an image of the President with the Deputy President side by side.

One of DP Ruto’s allies,Senator Murkomen was also shocked when he noticed the slight different on president Uhuru’s Christmas card.

DP Ruto,separately taking to Twitter, urged Kenyans to spend time with loved ones and reconnect with the beauty of our country as during their festive season travels.

He further urged them to “reflect on the year that was and plan for a bigger and better 2020” as well as to “remember those who do not have as much as we do” and to “drive safely.”

Could a frosty relationship between the two leaders been the reason why they each sent Christmas greetings separately.

Deputy President William Ruto has never hidden his desire to become Kenya’s president. Ahead of the chaotic 2007 elections, he was one of the ODM luminaries who shelved their ambitions to support their party leader Raila Odinga. They lost to PNU’s Mwai Kibaki, even though controversially.In the 2013 elections, the DP decided to bolster his chances by joining forces with President Uhuru Kenyatta.

In the pact that led to the merger of several parties to form Jubilee, the DP was to support Uhuru for two terms. Uhuru would then rally his Mt Kenya backyard to support Rutos bid for the presidency in 2022.

At the moment, there’s every indication that this arrangement will not stand. Ideally, Uhuru should have declared “Ruto tosha” by now. However, the president is on record as saying his choice of successor will surprise many.

Frustrations have thus set in and are running deep within the camp. Out of desperation, Ruto allies have resorted to uncouth means to compel his boss to honour his side of the bargain.

Some say Ruto may have only been interested in a powerful office. But this is not true as Ruto has never missed an opportunity to campaign even after Uhuru’s warning to members of the Cabinet to stop politicking and concentrate on service delivery.

The DP may have signed the deal without knowing the specifics as there is no guarantee Uhuru, after retirement, will be able to influence Mt Kenya residents to vote in a particular way. Kenyatta’s influence may even be waning. That is why some Mt Kenya MPs are defying him, for example, on BBI.

Even then, would Uhuru rather take a holiday to unwind after a stressful 10 years marred by corruption and suffocating public debt or campaign for Ruto? Your guess is as good as mine.

The March 9, 2018 handshake between the president and Raila was another sign of the frosty relationship between Uhuru and his deputy. Article 131 (e) of the Constitution says the president shall be a symbol of national unity. It is therefore curious Uhuru chose to execute this mandate with the help of Raila.


The two went ahead to establish the BBI to unite Kenyans. Yet, this duty is the presidency’s which Ruto is part of. And Ruto, like the rest of us, learnt about the Uhuru-Raila deal in the news.

There could be more to Uhuru and Raila than meets the eye. If Uhuru has any interests in the 2022 polls, he will only support the person who guarantees such interests. He may be eyeing a position. Thus, his supposed betrayal of Ruto does not matter. After all, there are no permanent friends or enemies in politics, only interests.In his book, ‘The 48 Laws of Power’, American author Robert Greene explains how anyone keen on winning power should treat their bosses. He discourages people from outshining their masters. Yet this is another area Ruto has fallen short.

Listening to the leading lights of the Ruto brigade, one gets the feeling that the team is suffering excruciating pain: The pain of betrayal has become unbearable. The heat in the kitchen can no longer be tolerated and an exit plan is being hatched. The mood in both camps has turned foul and attack dogs are on the loose. If no tangible action is taken to stem the tide, then the country risks sliding into a state of inertia and eventual crisis. Certain circumstances and events may have conspired to work in tandem to push the ruling party leadership to this tipping point.

He tries to spell out government policy even when Uhuru is present. Ruto would go around launching projects at times without Uhuru’s blessings. This is what gave birth to the Tangatanga tag. Uhuru had to put a stop to the launch of new projects. Ruto may be in control of part of the Cabinet but this does not make him a co-president.

One of the few occasions he acted a true deputy to Uhuru was on January 31. Uhuru, while on his way to Arusha, had made a stopover in Kitengela town after a stormy Cabinet meeting. Uhuru told the crowd how he had warned members of his Cabinet against politicking. All that Ruto said when Uhuru invited him to speak was, “Have you heard what the president has said? That is how it shall be.” He did not show Uhuru he had a better speech.

Ruto and his allies have also been opposing some projects that are close to Uhuru’s heart. They for instance accused those behind BBI of being driven by selfish interests and creating positions for some people. Ruto appeared to forget his boss started the initiative. My take is that since the DP is eyeing the presidency, he did not support creation of a powerful prime minister because he would want absolute power in case he wins in 2022.To master the game of power, Green says, one must master their emotions so they don’t cloud their decisions. And ancient Chinese military strategist, Sun Tzu, in his book ‘The Art of War’, explains how to deal with rivals who can’t manage their emotions to get the best out of it. He thus says; “If your opponent is of choleric temper, seek to irritate him …” Ruto’s rivals have taken advantage of his seeming irritable nature to annoy him. Result? His angry outbursts that make him look like a bitter person.

The war on graft has previously been fought half-heartedly and without much tangible result registered. However, in his second term, Uhuru has demonstrated some rare resilience in this front.

It has confounded both friend and foe and spared no one irrespective of status. Buoyed by a pliant opposition, the President established a ruthless anti-corruption multi-agency team. Whether the composite slayer will survive and deal the graft menace a fatal blow is a subject of conjecture. There are already afoot legislative efforts by Ruto ally Kiharu MP Ndindi Nyoro to tame its enormous powers. These efforts are complemented by public forum derision of the role of the DCI and the DPP in anti-corruption war.

The two offices view this looting of public resources as economic crimes. As is natural, there have been more arrests of graft suspects from the government side of the nation than the opposition. Thus the opposition has cheered the President’s gallant efforts with glee. Unfortunately for the ruling party, the majority of the suspects are easily associated with the URP side of Jubilee.

Matters have not been helped by the loud protestation from leading Rift Valley politicians allied to the DP. They have depicted the anti-graft war as selectively ethnicised and weaponised. Claims of the war strategically targeting the DP ostensibly to derail his presidential quest have become the parlance in funeral and political functions in the Rift Valley.

Some of the corruption cases investigation such Weston Hotel land saga have highways to the DP’s doorstep. The war on corruption has, therefore, become the bane of the frosty relationship between Uhuru and Ruto. When the DP chose to scuttle the process by openly pouring scorn on the successes of the DCI and the DPP, the President reprimanded him publicly.

Pundits had erroneously predicted the beginning of the thawing of the ice-cold relationship between the two.

These happenings do not bode well for a presidency founded on duopoly and an alliance of political convenience. The joints of the largely tribal conglomerations did not bond well and the fault lines have become too weak. Wide cracks have emerged earlier than expected. The corruption purge is causing haemorrhage to Jubilee and is eating its children.

Uhuru’s increasing engagement with the opposition has not gone down well with his deputy as well.

Ruto and allies have chosen to interpret this arrangement as designed to frustrate his efforts to succeed his buddy turned boss and now “foe”.

The opposition leaders have wasted no time in warming themselves into Uhuru’s heart as his deputy sour grapes. They have been too eager to step in as enthusiastic support cast to the president during public functions. The more notable is during the nationwide launch of Huduma Namba registration.

Pundits had erroneously predicted the beginning of the thawing of the ice-cold relationship between the two. There was thus general disappointment when hawks within both camps resumed in earnest their brickbats in the subsequent weekend.

With revelations of more impending high profile arrests and Camp Ruto solidifying their resolve to go alone, the UhuRuto alliance is headed to the rocks. It is deteriorating so fast that it is now more a matter of when not if the tension within the presidential duopoly will reach boiling point and implode. The divorce will likely bear the adjectives famously attributed to Senator Moses Wetang’ula.

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